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1956 CE: UPRISING IN HUNGARY AGAINST THE COMMUNISTS — BOOK BY DAVID IRVING – Uprising – The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 (2001)” published by Hodder & Stoughton in 1981 CE. “In Budapest, a city of two millions, the people just forgot what fear was.” — Paul Mathias, the tall, elegant foreign correspondent of Paris-Match. There is no justice in socialist legality. As Budapest’s own police chief during the uprising, Alexander Kopacsi, said, “Which man is prosecutor, and which man stands in the dock, is purely a matter of casting.” The industrial workers, with their sense of deprivation and their unrequited yearning for better living standards and free trade union activity, had powered the uprising, just as in Poland in 1980 CE they have caused their overlords the biggest headaches. Reports, compiled only weeks after the failed uprising, leave no doubt as to why these men and women, mostly in their twenties and thirties, conspired, organized, fought and indulged in other revolutionary activities, and finally fled their native country: the workers felt cheated, betrayed, deprived and persecuted by the communist “funkies” imposed on them by Moscow, by the speed-ups, wage frauds, unsafe and insanitary working conditions, and arbitrary penalties, by the burrowing of spies and informers and exhausting work methods. Economic factors were not among the primary roots of the revolt. Economic plight created despair, resentment, apathy and hatred; but it did not create that unity and that revolutionary spirit which came to be the key to the crystallization, outbreak, and initial victory of the revolt.

Click for Source Document by David Irving

As in past instances of popular uprising through nine centuries of the national existence of the Hungarians, the ingredients of decisive importance were political and emotional in nature. It is also to be observed that no revolution had ever taken place in Hungary except at times when the weakening of the power center became evident and simultaneously some prospect or illusion of outside assistance emerged. In 1955 CE-1956 CE, both the outer (Soviet) and the inner (Hungarian Communist) power center showed unmistakable signs of major weakening. Moreover, events within the orbit and pronouncements by Western statesmen – always adjusted by Hungarians to conform to their innermost desires – created illusions of prospects of practical outside assistance.

The University and Polytechnic students whose youthful eloquence and zest started the mass movement into the streets, did so out of a sense of justice, but also because of disgust at the degradation inflicted on their country behind a facade of cultural pretensions, and at the indigestible alien patterns of life being imported from across the Soviet frontier. The writers and other intellectuals joined the clamor later, belatedly making audible the long-suppressed rage of the workers and students. Hungarians say “We are a three-class society: those who have been there (prison), those who are there (prison), and those who are heading there (prison).” This sense of public grievance, of impotence at the hands of the communist funkies, powered the initial phases of the uprising.

What happened in Hungary was not a revolution but an insurrection or uprising. When it began it was spontaneous and leaderless, and it was truly a movement of the masses bound by one common hatred of Communists. Many of the rebels held communist Party membership cards, but were workers or peasants. The uncanny feature was that it resembled the classic Marxist revolution, it was fed by conditions which Karl Marx had always predicted would result in revolution, and it was led by the workers, the very stratum which he had expected would take the revolutionary lead. The parallels with what happened in Poland in the late summer of 1980 CE are striking; the exception is that this summer the workers were subdued by flattery and promises of reform instead of the past decades the Marxist Communists turning their machine guns on the workers from whom they villainously claim to draw their mandate. The Hungarian uprising was crushed by a man who became instantly one of the most reviled men in his country. By 1981 CE he became one of Hungary’s most genuinely popular citizens, Janos Kadar — A life of many contradictions, which cannot only be explained by his subservience to Moscow’s fickle whim. Initially, he said he was part of the uprising, but he was part of its government. He called the uprising one month later a “mass movement”. But soon he shifted to harder ground saying, “A counter-revolution began in Hungary on October 23rd, 1956 CE, in exactly the same way as it did on August 2nd, 1919 CE.” He then put Hungary through a period of savage repression, which culminated in the execution of the (other) “accomplices of Imre Nagy (re-Communist leader of Hungary)” in 1959 CE. By that time seeing such EVIL BARBARITY freedom loving subjects had finally accepted that there was to be no escape from the Soviet Crime MOB and that Western powers had written them off and that they must make the best life they could for themselves under Marxist bureaucratic rule.

Kadar played his part in this, declaring as his aim in the early 1960s CE, “We must win over every section of our people for the reconstruction of our country.” The Party’s monopoly on high office was abolished. Once, he told workers in Budapest, “The West attacks us because of our one-party system. They are right. We Communists must work as though there was a twenty-party system, with a secret general election every day. That’s the only way to win popular support.” He made a clean sweep of a quarter of the Party incompetents, and in 1962 CE he dismissed twenty-five former Party hardliners from the membership and began the rehabilitation of victims…”. More important, Radar’s party adopted a policy, “Anybody who is not against us, must be for us,” he said. In 1963 CE the last street-level participants in the uprising were amnestied. In 1970 CE, the ministry of the interior gave notice that the police were no longer to act as “ideological watchdogs”, and nowadays most Hungarians are freely able to obtain passports and visas to travel to the West.

The reactions of the Western powers and United Nations. How was it that Dwight D. Eisenhower, despite his frequent campaign promises in 1952 CE to liberate the Soviet satellite nations, offered nothing beyond pious expressions of his nation’s sympathy when the uprising began? What was the role played by Radio Free Europe and similar CIA-financed transmitters? Why did the US delegate at the United Nations deliberately delay UN action? In 1980s CE Documents released under the Freedom of Information Act from the secret files of the State Department, the National Archives and the Eisenhower Presidential Library filled in some of the answers. Most illuminating were the banal telephone conversations between the White House and State Department during the crisis. It appears that, just as in May 1940 CE the miracle of Dunkirk occurred because it never dawned on Adolf Hitler until too late, that the British army was decamping, so in November 1956 CE the complete breakdown of communications from Budapest left Washington in the happy belief that the uprising had triumphed, that the Russians were pulling out. Frank G. Wisner, the leading CIA official responsible for Central European operations, hurried from Washington to Vienna on November 7th and stayed there five days optimistically reporting to Vice-president Richard M. Nixon: “From many quarters today comes the dismal pronouncement that we failed to save Hungary, that Hungary lost the revolution. Tragic though it was in its immediate effects, the brutal use of Soviet force to crush the brave rebellion of the Hungarian people against their oppressors has stripped the Communist system of its last pretense of respectability and has taught the free world lessons which it will never forget.” Wisner was whistling in the dark, and he knew it. For a long time he worried about how the West had muffed this opportunity, then he took his own life in depression. On no occasion since the end of the Second World War have words or diplomatic actions alone persuaded the Kremlin to abandon a military intervention on which it has decided. Fact is Communist intellectuals played NO glorious role either before or during the 1956 CE uprising.

For students of revolution and insurrection, it was confirmed that the sudden and unexpected possession by the demonstrators of arms and ammunition – captured from arsenals or handed over by disloyal troops – that destabilized a manageable situation in 1956 CE. In 1976 CE after the armies of Western newspaper men who roamed through revolution-torn Hungary left the ringleaders who had survived or evaded deportation, and escaped the hangman and the firing squad provided notebooks and diaries of that horrible time in 1956 CE. In them was listed all the dictator’s cronies and their secret communist numbers, K-line, called the kisbugo or “little-buzzer” because of its distinctive soft ringing tone. The list included all the super-elitists, the names of Apro, Acs, Bata, and of the hated Party chief Ernest Gero, still alive somewhere in Budapest, listed too were Hegediis, Hidas, Kovacs, Matolcsi, Mikes, Piros, Szalai, Veg, and of course Rakosi himself. One entry under “S” for Stalin had two business phones and one top-secret K-line number, “358”. The bulk of the names had been anglicized for example Aczel, Thomas – 35, Jewish, Stalin prize-winning author, journalist and Communist Party secretary to the Writers’ Union; escaped to USA, Andies, Elizabeth – 54, Jewish, dialectician, director of the Party School, married to Andrew Berei, 56, Jewish, economist, chairman of the Planning Office. Apro, Antal – 43 , Jewish, Communist trades unionist who became deputy prime minister. One of Hungary’s most durable politicians, Benke, Valeria – 36, Jewish, director of Hungarian radio broadcasting; became Politburo member in Budapest, Boldizsar, Ivan – 44, Jewish, diplomatist, professional journalist, editor of Monday News and other Party journals, Dery, Tibor – 50, Jewish, prize-winning novelist and long-serving Communist, Erdei, Francis – 45, Jewish, a deputy prime minister, Erdos, Peter – Jewish, radio journalist, became prosperous Budapest manager, Farkas, Michael – 52, Jewish, Stalinist minister of defense under Rakosi, Fazekas, George – Jewish, leading former Soviet partisan Party journalist, Gero, Ernest – 58, Jewish, many years in Soviet exile, machinations in Spanish Civil War, ministerial posts in Hungary after the Second World War, deputy prime minister 1955 CE to 1956 CE, succeeded Rakosi in July 1956 as general secretary (leader) of the Hungarian Communist Party. Escaped during uprising to Moscow, returned in disgrace in 1960 CE, …… and on and on. The vast majority were Ashkenazis and communists, of course.

Paul Mathias, the tall, elegant foreign correspondent of Paris-Match in 1956 CE immediately following the Uprising experienced a crisis situation that describes the panic and driving force. Mathias’s mortally wounded photographer Jean-Pierre Pedrazzini, who did not know how badly he was hit forced a smile and said, “I may still make a good photo editor yet!” The stretcher bearing Pedrazzini was wedged into the cockpit of the Red Cross plane. His stomach had been torn open by the gunfire in the battle for the Communist headquarters on Republic Square. A medical student held up a bottle of blood plasma, silently glad that this flight was saving his own life too. In the hospital in Budapest, Pedrazzini had seemed at first to be mending, then he faded into a coma. Once he murmured, without opening his eyes, “Is Mathias there?” He must have heard again the cultured voice of their friend, the actress Philippine de Rothschild, pleading with him by telephone a few days earlier: “Don’t let Mathias go in!” She was Paul’s best friend. Pedrazzini had comforted her: “Don’t worry. I’ll bring him back alive to you.” Philippine Mathilde Camille, Baroness de Rothschild (1933 CE-2014 CE) was the owner of the French winery Château Mouton Rothschild and she acted under the stage name Philippine Pascale. She was the only daughter of the vintner Baron Philippe de Rothschild, a member of the Rothschild banking dynasty. “Is Mathias there?” he said again, and the student reassured him: Mr. Mathias was in the plane with him. Jean-Pierre drifted off again; in a way he was bringing back his friend just as he had promised: alive. On the day that Pedrazzini died, the French President Coty sent for Paul Mathias, and asked him: “Monsieur, you are now a French citizen, but once you were a Hungarian. Tell me what happened?” Mathias replied, “In Budapest, a city of two millions, the people just forgot what fear was.” “And in what spirits are they now?” “It would be wrong to speak of a nervous breakdown, it was a break-up, Monsieur le President. They just went wild. An entire city, a whole country went mad with exasperation!”


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